An Expression of Hope and Frustration re Climate Change Progress

In our podcast series, “Environmental Insights: Discussions on Policy and Practice from the Harvard Environmental Economics Program,” I’ve had the pleasure of engaging in conversations over the past three years with a significant number of truly outstanding economists who have carried out important work in the realm of environmental, energy, and resource economics.  My most recent guest is no exception, because I am joined by Geoffrey Heal, the Donald Waite III Professor of Social Enterprise at Columbia Business School, where he previously served as Senior Vice Dean, essentially the chief academic officer of the School.

More to the point, Geoff Heal is the author of 18 book and some 200 articles, a Fellow of the Econometric Society and the Association of Environmental and Resource Economists, where he served as President.  And Geoff has also held – and continues to hold – important advisory and other positions with governmental, multi-governmental, and non-governmental organizations.  I hope you will listen to our complete conversation here.

Among his writings is the pathbreaking 1979 book “Economic Theory and Exhaustible Resources,” co-authored with Partha Dasgupta, which is widely viewed as a seminal work in the field of resource and environmental economics.  I asked Geoff how the book came about.

“Partha and I enjoyed collaborating, and I think it’s something that we just felt sort of intellectually compelled to write because we felt the time was right and we felt that we could make a contribution … particularly acting together,” Heal remarks. “But I don’t think we had any sense of the impact it would have, quite frankly.  And I find students still reading it today, which is quite remarkable.”

Heal also addresses the question of how much the field of resource and environmental economics has changed during his time in academia over the past 40 years.

“The field has been transformed, hasn’t it? I mean, in the last decade or so, it’s been transformed into a much more empirical field than it was before that. What they call the ‘credibility revolution’ in economics has taken hold in environmental and resource economics,” he said. “We’ve got a vast number of papers using interesting novel data sets to look at climate impacts or regulatory impacts, and I think they’ve increased our understanding of the impact of environmental issues and environmental policies… considerably.”

Serving as a Coordinating Lead Author in Working Group III of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s (IPCC) Fifth Assessment Report, which was finalized in 2014, Heal had a front row seat in the analysis of climate change policy. That said, he admits he is a bit frustrated with the pace of collective efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and combat the effects of global climate change.

“I think that we know a lot about how to solve the climate problem. I think the technologies that we need to solve it are largely, perhaps not totally, but largely available… So, I think we know how to move to an electric grid which is powered entirely without fossil fuels,” he states. “We have a lot of the pieces available. We’re not just deploying them fast enough to reach the targets that we think we need to reach …so I find that frustrating. We’re very close to being able to achieve the goal, but we’re not actually doing what we need to do.”

When I ask Geoff Heal why current climate policies don’t seem to be accomplishing their goals, he cites politics.

“It’s the enormous influence of the fossil fuel industry and the sense of mostly some conservatives that this is a plot to increase the powers of the state. And of course, the Ukraine war has really been a major problem too, because it’s caused Europeans to move away from natural gas and in some cases back to coal, which is a terrible piece of backsliding, and it’s understandable under the circumstances, but it’s very regrettable from the climate perspective,” he says. “The Ukraine war, I hope, is a temporary phenomenon, whereas the power of the fossil fuel industry and the sort of conservative misapprehensions about what climate change is all about, I think are more real and more enduring.”

For this and much, much more, I encourage you to listen to this 47th episode of the Environmental Insights series, with future episodes scheduled to drop each month.  You can find a transcript of our conversation at the website of the Harvard Environmental Economics Program.  Previous episodes have featured conversations with:

“Environmental Insights” is hosted on SoundCloud, and is also available on iTunes, Pocket Casts, Spotify, and Stitcher.

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Water Policy and Environmental Justice

I’m pleased to take a break today from my usual focus on climate change policy to highlight some reflections on water policy and environmental justice from someone with great experience and expertise, Sheila Olmstead, professor of public affairs at the LBJ School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas, Austin.  I engage in a conversation with Professor Olmstead on a wide range of topics in the latest episode of our podcast, “Environmental Insights: Discussions on Policy and Practice from the Harvard Environmental Economics Program.”  I hope you can find time to listen to our conversation here.

In these podcasts, I converse with leading experts from academia, government, industry, and NGOs.  I’m pleased to say that my long-time colleague, friend, and former student, Sheila Olmstead, fits very well in this group with her abundant experience in academia, government, and NGOs.

Sheila earned her PhD in Public Policy from Harvard, and has focused much of her academic and professional work on issues relating to water resources management.  In addition to her faculty position at the LBJ School, she is a University Fellow of Resources for the Future, a Member of the Science Advisory Board of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, and the Editor of the Journal of the Association of Environmental and Resource Economists.

If that were not enough, she was previously:  a Senior Staff Economist for Energy and Environment at the President’s Council of Economic Advisers, a Senior Fellow at Resources for the Future, and an Assistant and Associate Professor of Environmental Economics at the Yale School of the Environment.

Discussing water management issues in the United States, Olmstead begins by noting that the arid western states, in general, have greater challenges than do the more wet east coast states. 

“They’re also high growth states, many of them. And so, they struggle more with how to meet especially urban demand, given concerns about the natural supply. And that gets even more interesting as we look to the future, with the climate changing as it is,” she says.

In principle, prices can be an effective tool to affect water demand, but Sheila remarks that water is cheap in many areas of the west, like Phoenix, where the supply is relatively low.

“There’s not a really strong correlation between where the supply is scarce and where the price is high.  And that puts those regions in a very difficult situation of having essentially through the low water prices encouraged the kinds of development that are thirsty, without having the tools in the long run to meet that demand.”

Olmstead highlights that the water crisis in Flint, Michigan, which had serious impacts on thousands of residents over the course of several years during the last decade, is just one example of the water management challenges facing millions of people across the United States.

“We’re so much better than we were in the 1970s. The Cuyahoga River doesn’t catch on fire and so on, but our remaining major water quality challenges have mostly to do with agricultural water pollution, urban runoff. And these are not things that were well addressed in the structure of the Clean Water Act. And so, we just continue to struggle with the fact that these are really severe remaining problems, and some of them are essentially unregulated,” she says.

When I ask Professor Olmstead about her recent appointment to the EPA Science Advisory Board, she remarks, “I’m excited about the work.  I only have a vague sense so far of what I’m going to be working on, because we’re kind of just getting up and started. They’ve gotten the appointments processed, and I’m very excited about the other folks that are appointed, in particular, my environmental economist colleagues like Dave Kaiser and Lala Ma.”

Finally, I will note that Sheila Olmstead is the co-author of an excellent introductory environmental economics text book (which I use in my own course at Harvard), Markets and the Environment, co-authored with another former student of mine (and recent webinar guest), Nathaniel Keohane.  The book is now in its second edition.

My complete conversation with Sheila Olmstead is the 28th episode in the Environmental Insights series, with future episodes scheduled to drop each month.  You can find a transcript of our conversation at the website of the Harvard Environmental Economics Program.  Previous episodes have featured conversations with:

“Environmental Insights” is hosted on SoundCloud, and is also available on iTunes, Pocket Casts, Spotify, and Stitcher.

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Misguided Objection to Progressive Policy: The EJ Lawsuit Against Implementation of California’s AB 32 Climate Policy

On May 20th, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Ernest Goldsmith ruled that the California Air Resources Board had not adequately explained its choice of a market-based mechanism —  a cap-and-trade system  — to achieve approximately 20 percent of targeted emissions reductions by 2020 under Assembly Bill 32, the Global Warming Solutions Act of 2006.

The ruling was in response to a lawsuit brought by a set of “environmental justice” groups, who fear that the cap-and-trade system will hurt low-income communities.  These groups hope — at a minimum — to delay implementation of the system, scheduled for January 2012.  Their preferred outcome would be for California Governor Jerry Brown to abandon the approach altogether in favor of conventional regulatory mechanisms.

I’ve written about this controversy before, but the potential importance of Judge Goldsmith’s ruling suggests that it’s important to revisit this territory.

The National Context

As far as we know, Governor Jerry Brown plans to move forward with the implementation of Assembly Bill 32, the Global Warming Solutions Act, under which California seeks to take dramatic steps to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions.  Questions have been raised about the wisdom of a single state trying to address a global commons problem, but with national climate policy developments having slowed dramatically in Washington, California is now the focal point of meaningful U.S. climate policy action.  Indeed, for this reason, Nature Magazine recently labeled Mary Nichols, the Chairman of the California Air Resources Board, “America’s top climate cop.”

California’s Plan

A key element of the mechanisms to be used for achieving California’s ambitious emissions reductions will be cap-and-trade, a promising approach with a successful track record, despite its recent demonization as “cap-and-tax” by conservatives and other opponents in the U.S. Congress.

Under this approach, regulators restrict emissions by issuing a limited number of emission allowances, with the number of allowances ratcheted down over time, thus assuring ever-larger reductions in overall emissions.  Pollution sources such as electric power plants and factories are allowed to trade allowances, and as a result, sources able to reduce emissions least expensively take on more of the pollution-reduction effort.  Experience has shown that cap-and-trade programs achieve emissions reductions at dramatically lower cost than conventional regulation.

Concerns

Some groups in California have been very uneasy about the prospect of cap-and-trade.  In particular, the Environmental Justice movement has long opposed this approach, citing concerns that it would hurt low-income communities.  Professor Lawrence Goulder of Stanford University and I addressed such concerns in an article in The Sacramento Bee in March of 2008.

One expressed concern has been that a cap-and-trade policy might increase pollution in low-income or minority communities.  The apprehension is not about greenhouse gases (the focus of AB 32), since these gases spread evenly around the globe and thus would have no discernible impact in the immediate area.  Rather, it’s about “co-pollutants,” such as nitrogen oxides, carbon monoxide, and particulates, which can be emitted alongside greenhouse gases.

Because a cap-and-trade system would reduce California’s overall greenhouse gas emissions, it would also lower the state’s emissions of co-pollutants. Still, it’s possible, though unlikely, that co-pollutant emissions would increase in a particular locality.  But here it’s crucial to recognize that existing air pollution laws address such pollutants, and so any greenhouse gas allowance trades that would violate local air pollution limits would be prohibited.

If current limits for co-pollutants are thought to be insufficient, the best response is not to scuttle a statewide system that can achieve AB 32’s ambitious targets at minimum cost.  Rather, the most environmentally and economically effective way to address such pollution is to revisit existing local pollution laws and perhaps make them more stringent.

While much attention has been given to the effects of potential climate policies on environmental conditions in low-income communities, it’s also important to consider their economic impacts on these communities.  Reducing greenhouse gas emissions will require greater reliance on more costly energy sources and more costly appliances, vehicles and other equipment.  Because low-income households devote greater shares of their income to energy and transportation costs than do higher-income households, virtually any climate policy will place relatively greater burdens on low-income households.  But because cap-and-trade will minimize energy-related and other costs, it holds an important advantage in this regard over conventional regulations.

Moreover, a cap-and-trade system gives the public a tool for compensating low-income communities for the potential economic burdens:  If some emission allowances are auctioned, revenues can be used to mitigate economic burdens on these communities.

The Way Forward

All in all, cap-and-trade serves the goal of environmental justice better than the alternatives.  This progressive policy instrument merits a central place in the arsenal of weapons California employs.  Beyond helping the state meet its emissions-reduction targets at the lowest cost, it offers a promising way to reduce economic burdens on low-income and minority communities.  For these reasons, the EJ lawsuit is not only misguided, but — if ultimately successful — will be counter-productive.

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